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مولانا حمید الدین

آہ! مولانا حمیدالدین
الصلوٰۃ علیٰ ترجمان القرآن (مفسر قرآن کی نماز جنازہ) وہ صدا ہے جو آج سے ساڑے چھ سو برس پیشتر مصرو شام سے چین کی دیواروں تک ابن تیمیہ رحمۃ اﷲ علیہ کی نماز جنازہ کے لیے بلند ہوئی تھی، حق یہ ہے کہ یہ صدا آج پھر بلند ہو اور کم از کم ہندوستان سے مصر و شام تک پھیل جائے کہ اس عہد کا ابن تیمیہ ۱۱؍ نومبر ۱۹۳۰؁ء (۱۹؍ جمادی الثانیہ ۱۳۴۹؁ھ) کو اس دنیا سے رخصت ہوگیا، وہ جس کے فضل و کمال کی مثال آئندہ بظاہر حال عالم اسلامی میں پیدا ہونے کی توقع نہیں، جس کی مشرقی و مغربی جامعیت عہد حاضر کا معجزہ تھی، عربی کا فاضل یگانہ اور انگریزی کا گریجویٹ، زہد و ورع کی تصویر، فضل و کمال کا مجسمہ، فارسی کا بلبل شیراز، عربی کا سوقِ عکاظ، ایک شخصیت مفرد، لیکن ایک جہانِ دانش، ایک دنیا ئے معرفت! ایک کائنات علم! ایک گوشہ نشین مجمعِ کمال، ایک بینواسلطان ہنر، علوم ادبیہ کا یگانہ، علوم عربیہ کا خزانہ، علوم عقلیہ کا ناقد، علوم دینیہ کا ماہر، علوم القرآن کا واقف اسرار، قرآن پاک کا دانائے رموز، دنیا کی دولت سے بے نیاز، اہل دنیا سے مستغنی، انسانوں کے ردوقبول اور عالم کے داد و تحسین سے بے پروا، گوشہ علم کا معتکف اور اپنی دنیا کا آپ بادشاہ، وہ ہستی جو تیس برس کامل قرآن پاک اور صرف قرآن پاک کے فہم و تدبر اور درس و تعلیم میں محو، ہر شے سے بے گانہ، اور ہر شغل سے ناآشنا تھی، افسوس کہ ان کا علم ان کے سینہ سے سفینہ میں بہت کم منتقل ہوسکا، مسودات کا دفتر چھوڑا ہے، مگر افسوس کہ اس کے سمجھنے اور ربط و نظام دینے کا دماغ اب کہاں، جو چند رسالے چھپے وہ عربی میں ہیں، جن...

Global Structural Changes and Global Islamic Identity

Globalization is slowly changing life and traditions of many people over the World, dramatically seeking changes in the traditional relationship between the community and people, creating a new sensibility and creativity in relationships between social groups. These changes necessarily require a new social and political model of organization for community, reorganizing and changing the nature of relationship between states.  Effort to protect identity of people usually convey in the form of the fear of the subservient economic, cultural and political position in the process of globalization. This fear frequently produces powerful vibrations indicating the need of integration of social groups with the same or similar cultural identity, what opens up a new dimension of the internal political crisis between government and society. This crisis will produce particularly dramatic changes in Islamic world generating a powerful conflict between state and society in Islamic world, with unpredictable development of relations between Islam and West.

Failure of State and Democracy Building Experiment in Post Taliban Afghanistan.

This study focuses on the failure of state and democracy building experiment in the post-Taliban Afghanistan. The aforementioned experiment is the first test case of militarized intervention after 9/11 under the banner of the war on terrorism to build a failed state on liberal democratic lines. This dissertation includes an in-depth study of the processes and their nexus to give a broader theoretical understanding of the failure of the experiment in the transitory phase. The sources of the failure were not only located in the flawed design and an asymmetrical interaction pattern, but the challenges originated from the gaps in the processes also negatively affected the linkage between democracy and stateness. Both processes suffered from the legitimacy deficit and failed to bring transition in the institutions whilst the contradictions and ambiguities in the principal intervener‘s policies negated the spirit of liberal values in the experiment. Competing agendas of the interveners and lack of coordination among them contributed to the failure of processes. The principal intervener (U.S.) de-politicized and de-contextualized its policies to address the failed state conditions. The intervener preferred stability to democratization and facilitated narrow power-sharing arrangements. The intervener and its local allies excluded the opposition forces, mainly Taliban, and neglected the aspirations of the Afghan society in Bonn conference I. This exclusion went in favor of Tajiks, the new state elite, and thus exacerbated ethnic tensions and power struggle between Pashtuns and non-Pashtuns. The processes, therefore, created a fragile state with weak and dependent institutions. Lack of accountability and public participation made these institutions fragile and provided the new and old state elites with an opportunity to nurture their patronage networks. This is why the post-U.S. Afghanistan appears engulfed with insurgency and violence, which have increased civilian casualties. Violence continues to dominate the Afghan domestic politics whereas the coercive, capital, and administrative capacities of the Afghan state remain limited and confined to major provincial capitals. Pervasive corruption in the state institutions is a continuing trend with no signs of reduction. The incumbent [unity] government, a product of an intra-elite bargain, so far appears incapable of garnering public support in its struggle against the Taliban insurgency and other turbulences in the post-Taliban Afghanistan.
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